Health and well-being: how much does Italy really spend on treating us compared to the rest of Europe?

A visit that slips months ahead, an exam to book, the general practitioner who becomes the first barrier between anxiety and bureaucracy. When we talk about public health, the discussion almost always starts there: from time, from expectations, from the concrete effort of treating oneself. Then come the numbers, less emotional and harder to move. In 2024, Italian public health spending will be worth 6.6% of GDP. A figure that has grown compared to 1995, when it was 1.6 points lower, yet still far from the levels of some large European countries.

6.6% of GDP

Taken alone, that 6.6% seems like a table number. In practice it indicates how much of the wealth produced by the country is absorbed by healthcare financed with public money. Inside there are hospitals, services, staff, treatments, structures, the daily functioning of a system which in Italy continues to be one of the most sensitive pieces of welfare.

The European comparison helps to read the figure better. Italy ranks just above Spain, while it remains approximately one point of GDP below Germany and more than two points below France. The distance with Paris, therefore, weighs heavily. In percentage terms it may seem like a small thing, in real life it becomes the ability to absorb demand for care, keep local services running, pay staff, update structures, reduce bottlenecks.

In the middle of Europe

The picture becomes more interesting if we look at public spending as a whole. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, the weight of the State in the Italian economy has grown enormously: from less than 20% of GDP to 50% or more in the mid-1980s, and then fluctuated around that threshold. Between 1995 and 2024, the weight of social spending grows in the four large countries considered. In Italy it goes from 17.5% to 21.3% of GDP.

In the same period, however, the trend in overall public spending changes from country to country. In Germany it decreases significantly, in Italy it decreases slightly after the surge linked to the pandemic, while in France and Spain it grows. The result is a different balance: Italy increases the share allocated to healthcare compared to 1995, but remains below countries that have wider margins or a different composition of spending. In the comparison between France, Italy, Germany and Spain, the distance emerges precisely in the part dedicated to healthcare.

The burden of debt

Governments rarely present healthcare as an area to be cut. More often they let it grow little, keep it within tight budgets, make it run more slowly than real needs and ask the system to hold up anyway. The result, however, appears the same. In 2024, operations linked to public debt will be worth around 4% of GDP. In Spain they stop at 2.5%, in France at 2%, in Germany at 1.1%. These are margins that change the scope of public spending. Every point absorbed by debt leaves less space for other functions, from health to education, from investments to services.

The document links precisely this greater incidence of Italian debt to a tendency towards compression, or at least slowdown, in the growth of public spending for other purposes. Healthcare comes in here: it is growing compared to the past, it remains a fundamental item, but it moves within a narrow perimeter. The comparison with France and Germany says this, more than a simple classification between those who spend a lot and those who spend little.

Italian public health spending, therefore, is in an intermediate and uncomfortable position. Higher than Spain, lower than the two large continental economies that we often use as a yardstick. The 6.6% figure shows a country that has increased its commitment compared to 1995, while continuing to deal with heavy constraints and growing needs.

In the tables it is a percentage. In hospital corridors, in full clinics, in phone calls to the booking centre, something much simpler becomes: time. And when you wait for a cure, time already weighs on the body.

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